ANALYSIS
Islam in Texas: The crescent moon gains ground in the Lone Star State
Texas is experiencing rapid growth in its Muslim population and the number of its mosques. Behind the demographic figures and the hundreds of millions invested in religious infrastructure, an increasingly intense debate is emerging: where does faith end and political Islam begin?
Worshippers pray at a mosque in Stafford, Texas
Texas, the second most populous state in the United States, has seen a notable increase in its Muslim population and associated religious infrastructure in recent decades.
This phenomenon can be explained by immigration, relatively high birth rates within this community, and, to a lesser extent, conversions. At the same time, institutional growth has sparked debates about the distinction between legitimate religious practice and the influence of ideological networks linked to political Islam.
Demographic figures: Real growth, but with nuances
There is no official census of religion in the U.S., so the figures are estimates. According to the latest data cited by the World Population Review, the number of Muslims in Texas in 2020 stood at around 313,000.
Concurrent Resolution HCR 18, introduced in 2025 by Democratic Representative Suleman Lalani in the 89th Texas Legislature, raises the estimate to approximately 500,000 people, which would make Texas the state with the fifth-largest Muslim population in the country and the largest in the southern United States. In any case, the community represents about 1% of the total population of the Lone Star State.
According to projections from the Pew Research Center, the Muslim population in the U.S. is growing at a rapid pace and is expected to more than double, rising from 3.45 million in 2017 to 8.1 million in 2050. This growth, driven primarily by birth rates and immigration, is expected to make Muslims the second-largest religious group in the country, surpassing Jews, over the next two decades.
The rise of mosques and religious institutions
Population growth has led to an expansion of religious infrastructure. According to the 2020 U.S. Mosque Survey by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU), Texas ranked third nationally with 224 mosques, representing a 35% increase from 2010. More recent estimates place the total number of mosques and Islamic centers in the state between 300 and 350, with a high concentration in the Houston area (more than 200 centers and places of worship, according to local reports from 2026) and in the Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex.
Construction has been intense. According to data cited by the Middle East Forum (MEF), "since 2009, almost a quarter billion dollars of planned or completed mosque building costs have been registered with the Texas Department of Licensing and Regulation’s Architectural Barriers Projects database." This expansion reflects both the demand for prayer spaces and the economic capacity of certain segments of the community.
Trends: From integration to institutionalization
- Urban and suburban concentration: Mosques have evolved from makeshift locations to larger complexes in suburbs, sparking local debates about the influence of Islam on communities.
- Internal diversity: The community is not monolithic. It includes Sunnis from different schools (Hanafi, Shafi'i, etc.), Shi'ites, Ismailis, and smaller groups. Houston, for example, is home to a significant Ismaili community that opened a major center in 2025.
- Parallel institutions: Beyond mosques, Islamic schools, seminaries, charitable organizations, and Sharia-compliant (Islamic law) financial institutions are proliferating.
- Civic engagement: Part of the community is involved in the economic and professional life of Texas. At the same time, the advocacy organization Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), which according to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) was founded by Hamas sympathizers, has an active presence in the state.
The line between political Islam and extremism: The Middle East Forum's analysis
The Middle East Forum (MEF), through its Islamist Watch project led by Sam Westrop, has published a series of detailed investigations into Islamist networks in Texas. According to the MEF, more than 650–700 Islamic nonprofit organizations operate in the state.
A recent analysis of tax returns and public records indicates that only 232 of them report combined annual revenues exceeding $544 million and assets nearing $400 million. A significant portion of these resources and assets is believed to be under the influence of Islamist networks.
MEF Executive Director Gregg Roman stated that "Texas is a blueprint for the rest of the country" and proposed creating a Commission on Islamism to "investigate the networks we have identified, refer groups for criminal prosecution or regulatory scrutiny, strip public subsidy from radical groups, and empower moderate Muslims to fight the Islamists who have imposed their grip over Muslim communities."
The Muslim vote in the U.S.
According to the 2025 American Muslim Poll by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU), in the 2024 presidential election, 50% of American Muslims voted for Kamala Harris, 31% for Donald Trump and 12% for Jill Stein.
A pattern of Democratic preference also holds true heading into the midterms. A poll conducted by Community Pulse Polling, commissioned by CAIR and CAIR Action, of 1,086 registered Muslim voters in Texas, Georgia, Illinois, and North Carolina indicates that 66% prefer that the Democratic Party control Congress, compared to just 8% who favor the Republicans.
Furthermore, Muslim voters in these states, including Texas, show a clear preference for participating in the Democratic primaries (60%) over the Republican primaries (9%).
83% oppose a war with the United States and Israel against Iran, and 66% say they would not vote for a candidate who denies that what they consider to be genocide in Gaza has taken place.
Political Islam and ideological networks in the state
Another report published in February by the MEF claims that a broad network operates in Texas, encompassing multiple factions (Qutbists, Salafists, Deobandis, Khomeinists, Jamaat-e-Islami, Barelvis, and Turkish groups), and that some of these institutions maintain ideological, financial, or historical ties to Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, or the Iranian regime.
The MEF also documents cases of private schools with ideological ties, prior state funding for certain entities, controversial residential development projects such as the East Plano Islamic Center—the subject of lawsuits filed by Attorney General Ken Paxton—and Governor Greg Abbott's designation of the Muslim Brotherhood and CAIR as state-level terrorist organizations, a measure that the advocacy group has legally challenged.
Critics of the MEF argue that its analyses may overestimate the threat or stigmatize entire communities. Supporters maintain that distinguishing between Islam as a faith and Islamism as a political-ideological project is essential to protecting both religious freedom and the liberal order.
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