Looting in Argentina: how Peronism is losing the media war against Milei

On Tuesday, August 22, the charismatic Argentine presidential candidate Javier Milei, leader of the political space La Libertad Avanza, wrote on X (formerly Twitter) that it was "tragic" how Argentina seemed to return to 2001 hand in hand with poverty and looting.

"Argentina no longer resists this impoverishing model that is sustained by the strength of those who live at the expense of the efforts of good Argentines," wrote Milei, the wildcard winner of the primary elections (PASO). "A different Argentina is impossible with the same old people."

The message of the libertarian economist, a political outsider whose chances for winning the presidency look overwhelmingly positive, came during tense hours for Argentina, with allegations of looting in different parts of the country that caused alarm and criticism of the national government, led by the progressive Alberto Fernández.

"Mendoza, Córdoba and Neuquén, first, and Buenos Aires, later, were some of the districts affected. There were also instances of looting in the capital of Chaco and in Bariloche (Río Negro)," reported Infobae, detailing some places across the South American country where shops were looted. The news outlet also mentioned that there were 150 looting attempts throughout the province of Buenos Aires, and 94 people were arrested.

Despite dozens of videos on social networks and the complaints of robberies in supermarkets, clothing stores, liquor stores and appliance stores, some voices of the Argentine government, in particular its spokesperson, Gabriela Cerruti, responded to criticism and accused (or suggested), without evidence, that Milei and his party La Libertad Avanza were behind these criminal acts and denying that looting was taking place.

"The images that are circulating on the networks are fake, published in accounts that clearly have followers or employees of Javier Milei," Cerruti wrote. "There is no such looting: there are rumors and agitation through WhatsApp groups because they are deeply undemocratic and want to destabilize."

Her statements weren't received well. The presidential spokeswoman was not only widely criticized on networks and in the press but was also charged by prosecutor Guillermo Marijuan for the omission of denunciation and incitement to violence after the looting.

The accusation is based on the fact that Cerruti did not, as a public official, register a complaint about the alleged information she had about the looting.

She also blamed Javier Milei as the alleged promoter of the attacks without providing evidence.

Although confusing, this narrative promoted by the government had a clear objective: that the word looting was not the term used for the attack against businesses since, according to part of the official version, what was happening were specific attacks orchestrated by political adversaries.

The exchange with Cerruti initiated a strange war of narratives between the Government and La Libertad Avanza, with a third space, Together for Change, trying to take advantage of the insecurity emanating from all sides.

The battle of narratives was not only presented by politicians but also by communication activists, as is the case of the self-styled expert in "Fake News" Mauri Brissio, a prominent progressive activist "anti-Milei" who promoted the narrative of the ruling party against looting.

According to Brissio, "there was no looting" in Argentina but an "organized and collective attempt to rob shops." And he contradicted Milei: "We are nowhere near 2001."

However, the expert himself was contradicted on social networks and had to retract his statements several times.

But who is benefiting from this information war? Did the voices of the ruling party manage to convince anyone with the narrative that Milei and his party were behind the looting?

"It is very difficult to know who is behind the looting"

Professor and economist Agustín Etchebarne, executive director of the think tank Libertad y Progreso, explained to Voz Media that the looting in the South American country is born out of two realities: the general economic malaise of a nation in crisis for several years and organized vandalism groups that are seizing an opportunity to allege criminality and social upheaval.

For Etchebarne, however, those possibly behind the looting are sectors associated with the Argentine left.

"The looting has a first base that is obviously the economic malaise that exists in Argentina. That gives them a basis of anger, of weariness, which is real. Wages have been falling since 2011, and inflation this year is accelerating and will remain at 190% in the year and obviously wages are not enough and for those who work in the black, the fall is bigger: they are already close to a 45% drop from 2011 to here, "said Etchebarne.

"But there is also some coordination (behind the looting)," the professor explained. "Raúl Castells (prominent demonstrator) admitted that he is one of those who tries to coordinate this type of acts, the left is involved, some sectors of Peronism as well. Now, that's very difficult to know," said the director of Libertad y Progreso, who suggested that Argentine intelligence should have some kind of knowledge about who is behind the looting.

"When Patricia Bullrich, leader of Together for Change, handled security, she was very clear about how all these groups that coordinate the picketing demonstrations acted, which I think are the same groups that coordinate the looting," he said. "So, when security or the security minister wants to stop them, I think he has a chance to stop them. But it is also true that everything can get out of control because there is a general malaise in the face of a scenario of loss of power of the government, which came third in the primaries."

Diana Mondino, renowned Argentine economist and senior economic advisor of La Libertad Avanza, also spoke to Voz Media and agreed with Etchebarne on this point: "It seems that there was a lot of coordination, or at least very fast information through social networks. In fact, in traditional media, it was not reported and in some cases even denied that it was happening, and yet it was in several places at the same time."

"Raul Castells may have had responsibility, as he admits, but there was not only looting but also destruction. Not only food was stolen, but all kinds of articles, and the small stores looted can hardly reopen their doors," added Mondino.

Etchebarne told Voz Media that the current situation generates some uncertainty in the population because, in addition, as of right now, the favorite to win the elections is Javier Milei, and that "for many it is a leap into the void, for others it is a leap to hope, but we all agree that when we vote for it it is taking a risk, even if it is a calculated one because people want to change."

Etchebarne made clear that blaming Milei for the looting "is nonsense" and could backfire on the current ruling party.

"No one believes that," he said.

Etchebarne explained that when the press, organizations and the establishment come out too strong against a person who challenges the system, "he or she mostly comes out stronger."

"So Milei has everything to win in this case," said the director of Libertad y Progreso.

An attempt at electoral confrontation against Milei

Argentine political analyst Facundo Nejamkins also spoke with Voz Media about the information war surrounding the looting.

Nejamkins explained that in Argentina, the concept of "looting" is usually associated with the phenomenon when the popular sectors begin to attack food establishments in the face of a deep and generalized crisis, as happened in 1989 or 2001 with the hyperinflationary crises.

In this case, says the analyst, the essential concept is a little different because there were images where televisions, clothes and alcohol were stolen. "We're also not at levels where you can't go out or work, we're not at that point," Nejamkins said.

But beyond the technicality implemented by the government, what became clear is that there was a problem of robberies of businesses in different parts of the country, and the ruling party sought, in the words of Nejamkins, to confront La Libertad Avanza directly.

"As it is a process that takes place in the middle of an electoral campaign, a part of the Government has chosen as recipients, or protagonists, sectors linked to Javier Milei's Freedom Advances," Nejamskins explained to Voz Media. "In my opinion, it seems to me that this has more to do with a political position of confrontation with La Libertad Avanza by the government than real foundations that can justify that reasoning."

"With this, I am not excepting anyone or saying who is guilty or not, simply what I am saying is that it seems to me there is a willingness to choose as the axis of confrontation for the process that comes to La Libertad Avanza and in this way liquefy the third option that is Together for Change with Patricia Bullrich at the head, " The analyst added, who explained that within the position of the ruling party there is a clear underlying electoral intention.

Nejamkins analyzed that, today, the narrative of looting given by the ruling party benefits Peronism as much as La Libertad Avanza because, for the Peronists, it is easier to polarize with Javier Milei in front. For Milei's party, it is simpler to compete against a proposal fundamentally contrary to his own and not against that of Together for Change, whose essence "is a little more familiar" with what Milei himself proposes.

"That logic that is comfortable for both and uncomfortable for Together for Change permeates all the facts and events that exist at this moment in Argentina. So, these looting or robberies, whatever we want to call them, cannot be alien to that confrontation," the political analyst insisted.

Finally, like Etchebarne, Nejamkins agreed that the narrative of a particular sector of the Argentine government blaming Milei for the looting is not sinking in.

"Is there a view that the looting process is not a spontaneous uprising of the population? Yes. But for now, there is no one who attributes them to a political space or force. Rather, it seems to me that this idea that they are sectors linked to crime is dominating," he said.