Open letter to Dr. Marco Rubio
Following the capture of Nicolás Maduro, we Venezuelans—happy and hopeful—tolerated Delcy Rodríguez’s interim regime, trusting that, under the guidance of the United States, it would be possible to begin the path toward the restoration of democracy. However, that hope vanished after the earthquakes on June 24.

Marco Rubio at a press conference
Dear Mr. Secretary of State:
I was born in Washington, at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center. I graduated from high school in Arlington, Va. Therefore, I have a close historical connection to the United States, a country I cherish and admire. I am writing to you respectfully to warn you of the serious risk that the three-phase plan promoted by the United States for Venezuela will fail spectacularly if the corrective measures demanded by the new circumstances are not adopted in a timely manner.
Following the capture of Nicolás Maduro, we Venezuelans—happy and hopeful—tolerated the interim regime of Delcy Rodríguez, trusting that, under the guidance of the United States, it would be possible to begin the path toward the restoration of democracy. However, that hope faded after the earthquakes of June 24. Once again, the regime abandoned the victims to their fate, allowing many to lose their lives and even hindering the rescue efforts undertaken by international teams.
The events of June 24 and the days that followed put an end to tolerance toward the interim regime and exhausted the patience of Venezuelans. As a result, there is a high risk of social unrest, regardless of whether María Corina Machado returns to the country or not. The immense pain of those who have lost everything, coupled with the perception of a regime that is insensitive and oblivious to the suffering of the people, is generating an unstoppable social force capable of jeopardizing the stability that has taken so much effort to build over the past six months.
Under these circumstances, the only alternative to prevent a social explosion would be to replace the interim regime with an emergency government composed of Venezuelans of recognized competence, with no immediate electoral aspirations.
Its mission would consist, in coordination with the United States, of leading the national reconstruction, providing guarantees for foreign investment, and, once institutional conditions have been restored, calling for free and transparent elections.
Venezuela’s history shows that, in times of crisis, the establishment of an emergency government has made it possible to successfully steer transition processes. One example of this was the Patriotic Junta that assumed power in 1958 following the overthrow of Marcos Pérez Jiménez and led the transition to the longest democratic period in the country’s contemporary history. I am confident that this occasion will be no exception.
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Emmanuel Alejandro Rondón
Allow me to conclude by stating that the Shield of the Americas constitutes, in my view, one of the greatest strategic successes of recent decades, as it offers an effective mechanism for confronting drug cartels and transnational organized crime. This initiative will soon be joined by the governments of Keiko Fujimori and Abelardo de la Espriella.
However, if the interim regime remains in power, there is a risk that this valuable initiative will fail, as the Chavistas will attempt to sabotage it from the shadows to further the interests of drug trafficking. On the contrary, a trustworthy emergency government would allow Venezuela to fully join the Shield of the Americas and combat these scourges, alongside the other nations of the continent.
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Without further ado, and remaining at your disposal to elaborate on the points set forth here, I reiterate my gratitude and my highest regards.
Sincerely,
Alejandro Peña Esclusa